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I
feel pretty! Oh so pretty!
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We
concur in considering the government of England as totally without
morality, insolent beyond bearing, inflated with vanity and ambition,
(…) lost in corruption, of deep-rooted hatred towards us, hostile
to liberty wherever it endeavors to show its head (…).
Thomas
Jefferson, Letter to Thomas Leiper, 12 june 1815.
Replace
‘England’ with ‘Canada’ and that pretty much covers it.
In
this essay, I intend to continue my exploration of the Canadian
psyche. After my examination of Canadian imperialism
and selective historical amnesia as evidenced in The Murdoch Mysteries,
I will now embark on a metaphorical PT boat and sail up the Ottawa
River into the heart of Canadian darkness. In fact, the title of
this piece comes from two snippets that I only half remember.
“Morbid vanity” is how an American revolutionary (I can’t
remember who or the exact quote) described England. He said
something to effect that England suffers from morbid vanity because
she sees herself as the most glorious nation on earth in spite of all
the questionable things she does to keep the American colonies.
British imperialism caused a kind of cognitive dissonance in the
British people where they were the ‘good guys’ and therefore they
could do bad things. It seemed to me that this also describes
Canada, particularly as Canadian imperialism is directly related to
the British variety. The second part comes from a documentary I once
saw about the Vietnam War. An American veteran was saying that there
was something “morally corrosive” about how American strategy
focused on enemy body-count rather than on territory taken. This has
nothing much to do with Canada, but the expression stuck in my mind
because it describes perfectly Canadian strategy in its war against
Quebec. Specifically, Canada’s recourse to threats, dirty tricks,
false promises and overall perfidy is more likely to breed resentment
rather than loyalty. This sets the stage for the next confrontation
with Quebec, but Canadian vanity prevents them from seeing it.
Instead, they are constantly declaring separatism to be dead and
express surprise and dismay when it comes back to life.
All
this goes back to Canada’s inception, not in 1867 but its real
creation in 1763 with the signing of the Treaty of Paris. The French
king signed over New France to the British after they invaded,
conquered and occupied it. The War of the Conquest devastated New
France. It killed one in seven inhabitants, a per capita loss
comparable to that of the Soviet Union during the Second World War1.
Quebec City was thoroughly bombed by the British fleet and the
countryside on the south shore was burnt to the ground by British
troops who had nothing better to do. And yet, some Canadians still
like to downplay the Conquest, or even pretend it never really
happened. To them, Louis XV abandoned New France in favor of
Guadeloupe and they use the Treaty of Paris as a deed to the land and
the people living on it. But that treaty is also the heart of the
problem. The French king handed us over to the English king as
though we were cattle. To Canadians, this marks us as eternal losers
and they have a paper to prove it. And yet, it is clear that if
Queen Elizabeth II gave away Canada to the Americans in exchange for
one of the Hawaiian Islands (a nice one, not one with a leper
colony), Canadians would be outraged. True, this sort of thing was
done back in the eighteenth century and not so much now, but I
suspect there is more to it than that. Canadians need to see us as
losers. They need to feel superior to us. It’s part of their
identity and their way of dealing with feelings of inferiority with
respect to Americans.
It’s
also because of this that even apparent acts of kindness on their
part can be cynically self-serving. When Lord Durham arrived in
Canada after the Rebellions of 1837-38, he issued an ordinance
releasing the political prisoners held in jail at the time2.
This was both very generous and also avoided embarrassing trials
where the bogus charges against the defendants and the crimes
committed by British forces would have been exposed. A certain
Louis-Marie Viger, on the other hand, wanted to stay in jail until he
got his day in court. Viger wanted to prove in court that he was
arrested simply because he was one of the managers of the Banque
du Peuple, a financial institution that
struck fear in the heart of the Anglo establishment. Of course, he
never got his day in court, and of course, he eventually left the
unheated jail on account of his health.
This
brings us to our next topic: how Canadians use noble principles as
weapons. Canadians are filled with them. They have noble principles
oozing out of their ears. They have a noble principle for every day
of the week and every occasion. But having too many principles is
the same as having no principles, which, in truth, they don’t.
Their morbid vanity prevents them from seeing this. Instead, they
are stupid enough to buy their own press. This, in turn, creates a
kind of moral anesthesia
where they feel a perverse sense of pride every time Quebec is put in
its place, no matter how many dirty tricks, or outright crimes, were
committed in the process.
Historical
examples of this abound. Staying within relatively recent history,
consider the 1995 Referendum,3,4
where the federal government and the NO side spent an amount of money
far in excess of the limit allowed by Quebec law, all thanks to the
highly secretive group Option Canada. The federal government also
accelerated the naturalization
process for immigrants in Quebec a few months prior to the
Referendum. This was contrary to federal law, but no matter. All
that mattered was to flood Quebec with brand new Canadian citizens
who will very likely vote NO. When all this got out, the Anglo media
expressed disapproval, but not much more. Nothing like the shrill
hysteria and moral outrage that is expressed whenever the topic of
Quebec’s language laws comes up. It’s as though the Anglo media
were more disappointed that the perpetrators got caught, not that
they did it.
All
this is nothing compared to Canada’s reaction to its slim (and
fraudulent) victory in that referendum. Scared witless, the Canadian
government asked the Supreme Court to rule on the legality of
secession. I should point out that I don’t think this is
necessarily a bad thing, depending on how it’s done. If Quebec and
Canada were both allowed to ask questions to a neutral court (say an
international tribunal of some sort), then the exercise might be
valid. Instead, the Canadian government asked the Supreme Court of
Canada, filled with judges named by the Prime Minister. Canada asked
leading questions that referred to the Canadian constitution only,
not to constitutional texts or customs. Quebec was invited to
participate, but could not ask questions of its own. When the
Supreme Court delivered a ruling that was not nearly as favorable to
the Canadian government as it had hoped (despite putting all the odds
in its favor), it cooked up the infamous anti-democracy bill C-205.
Strangely called the “Clarity act”, bill C-20 is anything but.
Demanding a “clear” question, but not defining this clarity, and
demanding a “clear” majority that is greater than 50+1, but not
spelling out how much greater, the Act leaves it to the federal
government to decide after
the vote if either of these conditions were fulfilled.
And
yet, a surprising number of Canadians see this patently unfair,
arbitrary and anti-democratic Bill as an ironclad guarantee of
Canadian unity in perpetuity. A surprising number of them see it as
a great victory against the separatist, in spite of the fact that all
the odds were in their favor. Their unjustified pride in this
‘achievement’ blinds them to the fact that it makes them morally
repugnant to Quebecers, and leaves Quebec
patriots (a.k.a 'the separatists')
feeling more justified than ever in their convictions. Indeed,
just recently Justin Trudeau, the Liberal party's latest Canadian
unity action
figure and son of the late Canadian autocrat and lost twin of C.
Montgomery Burns (see figure above) Pierre Trudeau, declared that
Quebec could only separate if the YES side got two thirds of the
vote. While “clear,” this majority is
highly problematic since Newfoundland joined the Canadian Empire in
1949 after the pro-Canada side obtained only 52% of the vote in a
referendum. The 50+1 rule is fine to join Canada, but not to leave
it. Canada, it seems, is a roach motel.
Anyway,
as I mentioned earlier, examples of Canadian hypocrisy,
oppression and immorality are plentiful, and I
cannot go into all of them here. It will suffice to remind the
reader, as Frank Capra would say, “why we fight.” Ours is
basically an existential struggle, a struggle for survival. Ever
since the English arrived the French language has been a source of
friction. This is because the Anglos know, instinctively if not
consciously, that the French language and culture is our 'centre of
gravity.' If we lose that, we lose everything and the Canadian
Empire will be secure. Canadians know
this, and it explains their hatred towards us (as their comments
about us in the blogosphere demonstrate). It explains their
hypocrisy and their ongoing campaign of cultural genocide. It
explains Canada's highly autocratic form of government, where the
Prime Minister of Canada has broad powers, even greater influence (he
appoints virtually everybody), and with precious little checks or
balances. It also explains why Quebec patriots don't quit. We
can't. We know that it would lead to the eventual annihilation of
our language, culture and national identity and to the triumph of a
sordid little empire of lies and shopping malls.
1 – René Boulanger, La
bataille de la mémoire, Éditions du Québécois, 2007.
2 – Jacques Lacoursière, Histoire populaire du Québec, Tome 2, Septentrion, 1996.
3 – Robin Philpot, Le référendum volé, Les Intouchables, 2005.
4 – Normand Lester and Robin Philpot, Les secrets d’Option Canada, Les Intouchables, 2006.
5 – Michel Seymour, Le pari de la démesure, L’hexagone, 2001.
2 – Jacques Lacoursière, Histoire populaire du Québec, Tome 2, Septentrion, 1996.
3 – Robin Philpot, Le référendum volé, Les Intouchables, 2005.
4 – Normand Lester and Robin Philpot, Les secrets d’Option Canada, Les Intouchables, 2006.
5 – Michel Seymour, Le pari de la démesure, L’hexagone, 2001.













